Hegemony, initially a term referring to the dominance of one state within a confederation, is now generally understood to mean domination by consent. Gramsci’s notion of hegemony rests as he himself states, on a fundamental text of Marx’s, the 1859 preface to A Contribution to a Critique of Political Economy, which he translated in a … Hegemony in this case means the worldview, reality, and beliefs of the dominant classes coming to be accepted by the subordinate classes as “common sense”. In Italy, in the real class relations which exists there, this means to the extent that it succeeds in gaining the consent of the broad peasant masses.[1]. This was possible if a group or class could develop organic intellectuals and an articulating principle capable of absorbing ideologically, economically, and politically other classes in the hegemonic system. This article focuses on Antonio Gramsci's hegemony theory. Without much doubt, the Althusserian formulation of the theory of reproduction of ideological state apparatuses and the concept of ideological interpellation owes much to Gramsci’s concept of ideology and hegemony and the notion of the state implicit in these concepts. This paper mainly expounds the thought of cultural leadership in its cultural hegemony. Thus, it would also seem that the struggle for assimilating the traditional intellectuals is yet another important requisite for a class’ overall struggle for hegemony. Historical Materialism. The current phenomenon of feminist theory on “Zhihu”. Hegemony requires that ideological assertions become self-evident cultural assumptions. 27, March-April 1982 I will be focusing on Gramsci’s key …show more content… The term hegemony can be defined as the process by which dominant culture maintains its position in power. While engaged in the ideological struggle the proletariat “attempts to forge unity between economic, political and intellectual objectives, ’playing all the questions around which the struggle rages on a ’universal’, not a corporate level, thereby creating [its] hegemony [as] a fundamental social group over a series of subordinate ones.”[8] This ideological struggle involves a process of “disarticulation-rearticulation” of given ideological elements. Gramsci's Theory ofDomination and Hegemony: An Overview. New York: International Publishers, 1971. Gramsci’s concept of ideology was distinctive and far more developed than that of his predecessors and contemporaries essentially because it overcame both epiphenomenalism and class reductionism. The success of such a task would depend, however, on the perception by these classes that the hegemonic class no longer assumes a representative appearance vis-a-vis the subaltern class elements. The ruling class in Gramsci’s Italy (and in the other Western European states of which he writes) was the bourgeoisie, though it seems that his remarks might function also as a blueprint for Communist rule. This leadership, however, is not only exercised in the superstructure –or in the terms of Benedetto Croce– is not only ethico-political, because it also needs to be economic, and be based on the function that the leading group exercises in the nucleus of economic activity. His work contributed to the Marxist theory in the early 20th century. than the traditional intellectuals.”[14] But what was the basis of Gramsci’s classification of intellectuals on “vertical” and “horizontal” dimensions? He is presently working on a book, “Left Wing Unionism and the Trade Union Movement in the US, 1880-1955.”. Here, “cultural hegemony” has evolved into “cultural hegemony”. Orthodox Marxism predicted that the socialist revolution is bound to occur in the capitalist state. Gr… According to Gramsci, in fact, “leadership” precedes the other two stages in the process of rising to state power through revolution. Lenin and Philosophy. Needless to say, the understanding of these concepts is the most important step in the study of Gramsci’s Marxism. This function was as real in the recurring dynamics of a mode of production or productive system in “equilibrium” as it was in a system in “organic crisis.” In the latter case, of course, ideology was of relevance to the struggle for power in a rather decisive moment. According to Gramsci, hegemony (“predominance by consent”) is a condition in which a fundamental class exercises a political, intellectual, and moral role of leadership within a hegemonic system cemented by a common world-view or “organic ideology.” The exercise of this role on the ethico-political as well as on the economic plane involves the execution of a process of intellectual and moral reform through which there is a “transformation” of the previous ideological terrain and a “redefinition” of hegemonic structures and institutions into a new form. In this respect, we could say that an organic ideology is diffused throughout civil society (social institutions and structures such as the family, churches, the media, schools, the legal system, and other organizations such as the trade unions, chambers of commerce, and economic associations) by virtue of the integration of diverse class interests and practices into a unified system of socioeconomic relations. "The foun- [2] John M. Cammett, Antonio Gramsci and the Origins of Italian Communism (California: Stanford University Press, 1967), p. 204. Instead of subordinating the superstructure of ideas to the force of the economic base, Gramsci empowered the influence of … Finally, the “self-nationalization” of the proletariat as a class is an essential precondition for its full attainment of expansive hegemony. The bourgeoisie, in Gramsci's view, develops a hegemonic culture using ideology rather than violence, economic force, or coercion. This transformation and redefinition is achieved through a rearticulation of ideological elements into a new world-view which then serves as the unifying principle for a new “collective will.” Indeed, it is this new world view, which unifies classes into a new hegemonic bloc, which constitutes the new organic ideology of the new hegemonic class and system. This paper mainly expounds the thought of cultural leadership in its cultural hegemony. Back to The New Communist Movement: Collapse and Aftermath index page | Back to the In relation to American society, Gramsci's influence can be seen in the escalating demeaning of American history. Therefore, Gramsci, differing from the realists, interprets the theory of hegemony as affecting both the civil society within the State, and the actions of the State on the international platform. The three concepts discussed herein constitute perhaps the most important components of Gramsci’s “philosophy of praxis.” For one thing, the three concepts represent the earliest elaborations on the foundations of class power, addressing the latter from the point of view of superstructural as well as infrastructural considerations. The political importance of these intellectuals rests also in the fact that, normally, the organic intellectuals of a historically and realistically progressive class will be able to establish their “domination” over the intellectuals of other classes, and hence will be able to create a “system of solidarity” maintained so long as the progressive class remains “progressive.”. If Lenin stressed the importance of political leadership of the working class in the class struggle, Gramsci went a bit further by also emphasizing moral and intellectual leadership and the importance of non-economic relations between classes. ( Log Out /  In the process of struggle for hegemony, this articulating principle becomes a hegemonic principle of the emerging hegemonic class and hegemonic system. On the one hand, with concepts such as “organic ideology,” “civil society” and “political society,” “organic intellectuals,” “hegemony,” etc., as well as his unique distinction between political society and civil society, Gramsci brought new theoretical foundations into truly dialectical Marxist revolutionary theory. It is here that Gramsci’s concept of ideology helps us to understand the realm of the struggle for power in a period of crisis. The economic struggle of the proletariat begins historically and basically as a struggle for better living and working conditions under Capitalism: the struggle for better wages, shorter working hours, better conditions, better benefits, etc. It is quite evident that Gramsci’s conception of ideological struggle could never be understood in class reductionist terms since it does not involve the confrontation between two already elaborated, closed world views each being the direct and exclusive expression of the two antagonistic classes. Gramsci’s theory of cultural hegemony has opened up the research field of mass culture and endowed mass culture with great political possibilities. The concept of hegemony first appeared in Gramsci’s Notes on the Southern Question (1926), where it was defined as a system of class alliance in which a “hegemonic class” exercised political leadership over “subaltern classes” by “winning them over.” The concept made allusion to the proletariat in Italy in terms of such a “winning over”: the proletariat had to free itself of its class corporatism so as to embrace other classes, notably the peasants, in a system of alliances within which it could then genuinely become the l… Among these functionaries we find administrators and bureaucrats, industrial managers, politicians, and the already mentioned “organizers of culture.” Moreover, Gramsci classifies these intellectuals in two dimensions: the horizontal and the vertical dimensions. be attributed to Gramsci. Antonio. Nonetheless, this is a most decisive stage in that struggle since, as Gramsci said, “in politics, once the war of position has been won, it has been won definitively.”[10]. The basic premise of the theory of hegemony is one with which few would disagree: that man is not ruled by force alone, but also by ideas. Politics and Ideology in Marxist Theory. it is a very detailed analysis of how hegemonic influences are passively working in order to set the ‘correct’ and popular trends to be followed globally. I really love how much you tied in his work to your post as I really felt as though I had such a direct connection to his writings as I read your post. This state of balance consists of a coalition of classes constituting an organic totality within which the use of force is risky unless there emerges an organic crisis which threatens the hegemonic position and the ruling position of the leading class in the hegemonic system. A major historical problem posed by Gramsci and of great practical relevance to the proletariat in advanced capitalist countries is the fact that “although every social group develops its own organic intellectuals, the industrial proletariat has relied mostly on ’assimilated’ traditional intellectuals for leadership.”[17] Of course, Gramsci prescribed a solution to this problem, a solution that, in fact, became one of the principal aims of the “Ordine Nuovo” in Italy. And let us not forget Gramsci’s notion of ’war of position’ from which Althusser’s elaboration of the concept of ideological struggle evolves. (ed. The creation of the new organic ideology is effectuated dialectically through “ideological struggle”: the aspiring hegemonic class adopts an articulating principle which makes it possible to absorb, rearticulate, and assimilate ideological elements in the discourse of other social classes, and to unify these elements into a new collective will. New York: Monthly Review Press, 1971. Similarly, it would seem that “ideological discourses” have more of a class character than “ideological elements” would. This conception of ideology and revolution was often combined with a reductionist interpretation of ideology which argued that ideologies necessarily had a class character, so that there was an ideology of the capitalist class and an ideology of the working class, both ideologies antagonistic, defined, and mutually exclusive in their totality. It came out as a concept that embraced all. For Marx. [1] Chantal Mouffe, Gramsci and Marxist Theory (London: Routledge & Kegan Paul, 1979), p. 186. Please credit the Encyclopedia of Anti-Revisionism On-Line as your source, include the url to this work, and note any of the transcribers, editors & proofreaders above. London: New Left Books/Verso Editions, 1977. The proletariat can become the leading (dirigent) and the dominant class to the extent that it succeeds in creating a system of alliances which allows it to mobilize the majority of the working population against capitalism and the bourgeois State. Also in the dialectical tradition, Gramsci was most perceptive in grasping the peculiar differences that existed between 1917 Russia and the more developed Western capitalist countries. Hegemony derived from the Gramsci Theory. Of course, it was Gramsci who rectified the notion of ideology by overcoming both epiphenomenalism and class reductionism, and by redefining the term “ideology” in terms of practices, politico-ideological discourses, and elements. Change ), You are commenting using your Facebook account. Copyright: This work is in the Public Domain under the Creative Commons Common Deed. Yet this role of leadership must be devoted to the struggle against the existing hegemonic system, and the struggle itself waged on all three basic levels of society: (1) the economic, (2) the political, and (3) the cultural. The agents who constitute this group operate mainly at the level of industry. For him, the principal contemporary architect of the modern theory of hegemony was Lenin who, as a theoretician, had on ‘‘the terrain of political organization and struggle, and with political terminology ...reappraised the front of Saurin, J. This complex arrangement constituted an “organic ideology,” the expression of the communal life of the given social bloc wherein a class held state power and hence social hegemony. When it is extended to cultural hegemony, it usually means that western developed countries take advantage of their cultural advantages and developed media technologies to control cultural thoughts on a global scale. Insofar as ideological elements did not have a necessary class belonging, ideological systems were defined by their ideological discourses and these by ideological elements; hence ideological elements could be articulated in the different ideological discourses of those classes contending for hegemony. This idea of a counter-hegemonic struggle advancing alternatives to dominant ideas of what is normal and legitimate has had broad appeal in social and polit… . In particular, we come to the point in which theory and practice converge dialectically and become of practical relevance to the proletariat. [16] Antonio Gramsci, Selections from the Prison Notebooks (New York: International Publishers, 1971), p. 10. California: Stanford University Press, 1967. of the social basis of the proletarian dictatorship and the workers’ State. As national-popular ideological elements these terms are important in that, held by the subalterns, they serve as the essential links between the leaders and the led in a national context. Organic intellectuals, on the other hand, are more directly related to the economic structure of their society simply because of the fact that “every social group that originates in the fulfillment of an essential task of economic production” creates its own organicintellectual. Gramsci & Marxist Theory. Gramsci is best known for his theory of cultural hegemony, which describes how the state and ruling capitalist class – the bourgeoisie – use cultural institutions to maintain power in capitalist societies. He argues that in order to overcome hegemony, the proletariat must develop its own ‘counter-hegemony’ to win leadership of society. A further salient feature of realist perspective on hegemony is the Security Dilemma . Nevertheless, at the inception of the political phase the economic struggle assumes a new or distinctive form. . Gramsci’s conception of ideology overcame class reductionism by asserting that classes in the infrastructure were not duplicated in the superstructure through ideological elements exclusively of their own. Cambridge: MIT Press, 1971. Thus for Cox, hegemony cannot be reduced to … According to Gramsci the intellectuals are the “deputies” of the dominant group–the functionaries, exercising the subaltern but important functions of political government and social hegemony. It is safe to argue that the evolution of the working class out of the simple economic struggle for corporate goals and into the field of complex political struggle proceeds further into the decisive ’war of position’ waged mainly at the cultural front as an ideological struggle. Hegemony in this sense might be defined as an ‘organising principle’ that is diffused by the process of socialisation into every area of daily life. Hence, in the more developed elaboration “Hegemony” entails two things. Gramsci's theory of hegemony, therefore, connects ideological representation to cul­ ture. According to Gramsci, the ruling class exercises the “function of hegemony” through the civil society. Since ideological elements have no necessary class belonging and are, in fact, often shared by many classes, and since the new hegemonic system rests upon the ideological consensus of other social classes, hegemony is not ideological domination. The political and practical implications of Gramscis ideas were far-reaching because he warned of the limited possibilities of direct revolutionary struggle for control of the means of production; this war of attack could only succeed with a prior war of position in the form of struggle over ideas and beliefs, to create a new hegemony (Gramsci 1971). at Yale in 1981 and will start law school in September. According to Gramsci hegemony played a very important role in the state. Undoubtedly, Gramsci must have the credit for bringing the notion of ideology within the realm of truly genuine, revolutionary Marxism. You could have reflected more on how this all relates to PR. [11] Chantal Mouffe, Gramsci and Marxist Theory, p. 197. Hegemony, to Gramsci, is the “cultural, moral and ideological” leadership of a group over allied and subaltern groups. Transcription, Editing and Markup: Paul Saba The unifying idea of Antonio Gramsci's famous Prison Notebooks is the concept of hegemony. Change ), You are commenting using your Twitter account. On the other hand, coercion rests at the level of the state, more specifically at the level of “political society.” Accordingly, hegemonic rule, characterized by the predominance of consensus over coercion, represents in broad terms a balance, an equilibrium between “political society” and “civil society.” Needless to say, for Gramsci the state embodies “the hegemony of one social group over the whole of society exercised through so-called private organizations, such as the church, trade unions, schools, etc.,”[2] in balance with the ensemble of public (coercive) organizations such as the state, the bureaucracy, the military, the police, and the courts. This is due to the fact that Gramsci appreciated in great detail the fundamental differences that existed between 1917 Russia and post-1923 Western Europe. Rather, it is the actual struggle between two hegemonic principles for the “appropriation” (not the imposition) of ideological elements that may result in the eventual disarticulation of the previous ideological terrain and the rearticulation of ideological elements into a new form which then expresses a new collective will and serves as the new basis of consensus and effective hegemonic rule. A hegemonic class is one that is able to attain the consent of other social forces, and the retention of this consent is an ongoing project. Yet it is not a world-view imposed, as a class ideology (in the reductionist sense,) by the new hegemonic class upon the subaltern group. Gramsci’s writing will be put into its historical context and his concept hegemony will be defined and applied to the international system. Finally, organic intellectuals are very instrumental in a class’ struggle for hegemony. We are now dealing with a principle of action, with strategy for revolution and with methods to attain hegemony. This broader meaning was coined and popularized in the 1930s by Italian Marxist Antonio Gramsci, who investigated why the ruling class was so successful in promoting its own interests in society. This is the purely political phase “which marks the passage from structure to the sphere of complex superstructures.”[5] At this point, when it becomes conscious of itself and its existence as a social class, the proletariat can then proceed to forge or develop a comprehensive world-view and advance a political programme allowing for its manifestation as a constituted political party playing a truly progressive and historical role and seeking to absorb other leading sections of the other oppressed groups and classes. ( Log Out /  Cox combines material power, ideas, and institutions into a comprehensive theory of hegemony. According to Gramsci, consensus rests at the level of civil society and hence must be won there. “This process of disarticulation-rearticulation constitutes, in fact, the famous ’war of position’ which Gramsci conceives as the revolutionary strategy best adapted to countries where the bourgeoisie has managed to firmly establish its hegemony due to the development of civil society.”[9] Historically speaking, this ’war of position’ would be for the proletariat in advanced capitalist countries only a stage in the overall class struggle against the bourgeoisie. Gramsci’s contribution to Marxist theory is two-fold. Bukharin, Nikolai. Gramsci produced a theory known as ‘hegemony’ which was found in his prison notebooks. It is really the struggle between two “hegemonic principles” for the appropriation of those elements, an appropriation constituting the unification of various ideological elements into an all encompassing ideology–organic ideology. On that dimension we find also the “directors”–the organizers of society in general. And “domination” means “political domination”, which means that the ruling class rules over the social and political fields by relying on the violence of the ruling class and the coercive power of the state machine. Gramsci and hegemony Gramsci introduces the concept of hegemony, or ideological and moral leadership of society, to explain how the ruling-class maintains their dominance and influence over society. It is safe to argue, for example, that Althusser’s notion of “ideological state apparatuses” evolves out of Gramsci’s general concept of civil society and ideological structures therein serving as the social pillars of state power. It would have been really nice though to see a little more of your opinion on the matter though as it would have perfectly finished off this post! Change ), You are commenting using your Google account. ( Log Out /  More specifically, the contradictions of the relations of production and forces of production, coupled with the economic contradictions of antagonistic classes in the realm of production was said to determine every qualitative transformation of the institutional fabric and the ideological formation of the social system in crisis. Gramsci drew on the experience of the Italian proletarian revolutionary movement in his book Sketches of Prison, and put forward the famous theory of “cultural hegemony”. [10] John M. Cammett, Antonio Gramsci and the Origins of Italian Communism, p. 202. History and Class Consciousness. The basis of this classification is Gramsci’s distinction between two distinct but interconnected areas in the social superstructure: “political society” and “civil society.” We could assume that the “specialists” (vertical dimension) would be situated most likely within “civil society,” and more specifically at the links between civil society and the economic infrastructure or level of production. Really informative post on Cultural Hegemony and Gramsci’s works! There was a clear contrast between the ideas of Marx and Gramsci : Where Marx believed that the ruling class could dominate only through economic means. Traditional intellectuals, important in civil society, are more likely to reason with the masses and try to obtain ’spontaneous’ consent to a social order. Indeed, for Gramsci power rested on what was given, and what was given, i.e. This would make a great introduction into a paper that discusses how western media is guilty of Orientalism both in the past and in the present. Indeed, we shall postpone the discussion of ideological struggle during organic crisis to the section on hegemony, since such a struggle was conceived by Gramsci to be indissolubly linked to a quest for class hegemony and state power. From what the state did and what the civil society did on the other side formed what the hegemony did. Gramsci’s analysis of hegemony thus involves an analysis of the ways in which such capitalist ideas are disseminated and accepted as commonsensical and normal. Cultural hegemony is the method and means adopted by the ruler when conducting cultural rule in his country, which is usually neutral in politics. Traditional intellectuals are those intellectuals linked to tradition and to past intellectuals; those who are not so directly linked to the economic structure of their particular society and, in fact, conceive of themselves as having no basis in any social class and adhering to no particular class discourse or political discourse. 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